incumbent

Minnesota Providers Push for Draconian Limits on Public Networks in Minnesota

Minnesota is one of the eighteen states that have enacted specific barriers to prevent the public sector from building networks (protecting incumbents from any competition). It presently has the uniquely high - 65% - referendum requirement on communities that want to build a network that will offer telephone services (which thereby includes all fiber-to-the-home triple play networks).

However, up in Cook County, they could not meet that threshold. They had a referendum in which 56% voted yes - a majority but not satisfactorily large for a 1915 MN law. State Representative Dill and Senator Bakk realized this was crazy - state law set too high a bar for the County they represented. Cook would be unable to build the network they need - remember that the whole County was isolated following a single fiber cut because Qwest does not invest in communities where profits are scant (let's not blame Qwest though - private companies are not supposed to be charities and they should not be expected to build the essential infrastructure communities need).

Rep Dill and Sen Bakk introduced a bill to reduce the 65% to 50% referendum but the private providers must have thrown some sort of tantrum. Before the bill could even be heard, incumbent providers had reached some sort of a deal with Rep Dill and Sen Bakk, agreeing that they would not oppose the bill if it only applied to Cook County. Cook would be able to build its network, but all other local governments, many very rural and in similar but not equal severity, would be stuck with the 65% referendum requirement if they wanted to build a similar network. In the House, this "compromise" has flown through multiple committees with little debate.

In the Senate, some fought back, wondering if perhaps massive incumbent providers shouldn't be the ones to determine if communities can build modern networks -- especially when the providers won't. So the bill was introduced in the Senate. It was quickly amended to the incumbent demanded-text, but was then amended back again to a 50% majority for all MN (better than the 65% in current law). This was all in the Senate Committee dealing with Telecom. Confused yet?

It was next forwarded to the Committee dealing with Local Government, where the providers had created a new, super secret compromise with a number of Senators. Providers agreed to the 50% language for all, if they got some draconian additional language that made it incredibly difficult for communities in other ways. Just before the meeting, Qwest's lobbyist was hanging with some of the cable co lobbyists - that combination never bodes well for those of us that want competition.

As a side note, the 65% to 50% requirement should not require appeasing the incumbent providers. They already have tremendous advantages -- including decades of generous government subsidies and massive scale. The idea that Qwest, a massive company operating in 14 states, needs to be protected from a small community in outstate Minnesota baffles me. We need more competition, the incumbents shouldn't be able to attach conditions, further privileging their advantages in the market.

The Committee offered an amendment (attached here) that represented the provider "compromise." In return for incumbents not opposing the change to law, communities would have a 50% referendum requirement in addition to a variety of additional requirements, some far more onerous than the 65% referendum represented. In particular, the local governments would have to provide detailed business plans to their competitors, word the referendum in a specific manner not previously required by law, and subject any agreement between the local government and an entity related to the network to competitive bidding requirements -- which would totally disrupt the freedom of communities to choose their partners based on criteria they feel most important.

In short, the Committee took a bill intended to lower the barrier to entry for communities to build the networks they need, and they RAISED it. One might expect such a significant shift was debated, perhaps hotly. It was not. I was the lone testifier about the amendment but I might as well have sung a song. There were no questions, no discussion. Just like that, it was over. Few had known of the amendment's existence, let alone read it. Without so much as a word, the Committee announced its intention to create more barriers for community networks -- the one hope for competition and modern infrastructure in Minnesota outside the metro area.

More on this to come -- I certainly hope some of the Senators come to their senses. I do not know where the bill is headed next because its status is not yet updated, some 24 hours after the Committee adjourned.

These are the comments I intended to offer on the bill before it was hijacked by the amendment:

I am Christopher Mitchell, a researcher at the Institute for Local Self-Reliance. We are a 35 year old non-profit in Minneapolis that focuses on policies that encourage community development. Five years ago, we developed an interest in telecommunications because we recognized these networks are a necessity for communities. My research has focused on community networks, particularly fiber-to-the-home deployments.

I support this bill because it lowers a significant barrier to building the telecommunications infrastructure needed by Minnesotans. People in rural areas have found themselves unable to enjoy modern broadband technologies because building these networks is incredibly expensive and offers little hope of profits for the private sector absent public subsidization.

Just as many rural communities built their own electrical networks to ensure they could partake in the essential utility of their day, some have now started to build these broadband networks. The private sector is unable in many cases and unwilling in others, to build the necessary networks. Communities must already overcome many barriers to build a network.

Some, like the high cost of building a network, are inevitable. But the 65% supermajority, unique in the nation, is not.

The 65% referenda requirement invites providers who do not want to deal with competition to spend heavily, knowing that they only have to convince or confuse a minority of voters to maintain the status quo.

In truth, ILSR believes Minnesota should join the majority of states that have enacted no state barriers to public ownership of networks. In a time when the State itself has recognized the value of greatly increasing access to broadband networks, it should not be creating additional barriers to discourage the people most motivated to build them. After all, local governments are already structurally accountable to their citizens. If they cannot build these networks, the odds are that no one will.

To the extent we want to encourage competition in policy, barriers to public ownership have the opposite effect. Too many of our rural areas cannot attract even a single broadband provider. They will certainly never see the benefits of competition unless freed to build their own network.

One hundred years ago, we saw the results of expecting the private sector alone to build the electrical infrastructure. Some 90% of farms had no access. Though private utilities argued then that electricity was too complicated for local governments, the public sector stepped up and ensured all Americans could benefit from that essential technology.

I urge the Committee to reduce, or ideally remove, this barrier to essential infrastructure.

Photo by Jackanapes, used under creative commons license.

More History on Longmont Fiber Ring in Colorado

The Longmont Times-Call continues its coverage of the community network struggles of a Colorado community. This story has a lot of the history behind how Longmont developed a fiber ring and how they have used it even as they are prohibited from expanding it.

Longmont is not alone in working for upwards of a decade to bring better broadband to the community that actually meets local needs rather than maximizing profits. Other communities have also spent ten, fifteen, or even long with on-gain, off-again plans to build a publicly owned network. This reality provides a handy refutation of state preemptions based on the logic that communities will act too quickly in not considering their plan for a network. Communities take years in researching, planning, and developing networks.

In Longmont, the first public fiber investment came in 1996 and was expanded shortly thereafter by the Platte River Power Authority. The city moved more than 40 facilities to a gigabit network, leaving T1s to communities that prefer to vastly overpay for their telecommunications needs.

They worked with a private company, Adesta, to expand the network to residents and businesses but the company filed for bankruptcy in the following year. The arrangement certainly had its upside though - Qwest and Comcast mysteriously decided to start offering broadband in Longmont shortly after the Adesta agreement. This happens almost every time a community invests in infrastructure -- it leads to increased investment from incumbents.

They quote a techie from the Longmont Hospital who explains the one of the benefits of the publicly owned fiber already in the ground:

“It’s at least a three times reduction in cost,” Niemann said of leasing fiber from the city, versus contracting with a commercial provider. “And oftentimes, if you go with a commercial provider, you have construction costs.”

The city would like to expand the network, both to bring competition to the DSL/cable duopoly, and to invest in smart grid applications for its public power utility. Unfortunately, they have to win a referendum per Colorado's incumbent-protection law. The incumbents are more than willing to spend hundreds of thousands against any such measure, knowing they would lose far more in profits if they had to deal with competition in the community.

Open Access: The Third Way

Publication Date: 
February 1, 2010
Author(s): 
Andrew Cohill, Design Nine

Andrew Cohill of Design Nine has released a report about Open Access networks: "Broadband for America: The Third Way." I wanted to highlight this report because open access is an important idea that should be promoted and discussed. I believe open access is the most promising way to create the world most people want to live in - fast and affordable networks offering many choices in services and service providers to all Americans. However, though I hold Andrew in high regard, I have some disagreements with the paper that are noted below.

This paper comes at an important time. For more than a decade, we have ended each year with less broadband competition than we started with. Politicians and regulators have abandoned policies aimed at promoting competition despite their continued lip service in favor of it. Incumbents have more and more power over both subscribers and entire communities.

If we want competition in broadband and cable (and I certainly do!), open access is the only feasible approach. The cost of building the networks is fantastically high whereas the cost of offering services to an additional user are tiny. The result is a network with strong natural monopoly characteristics. Without a network that shares infrastructure (wires, poles, CPE, etc.), the market will trend toward monopoly or duopoly. Wireless complements wired broadband but cannot provide the high speeds and reliability of fiber-optic networks. Even if some metro areas can support multiple networks, most rural areas can barely support one network. Without open access, significant parts of the country cannot have a choice in service providers. Read more...

Folks in Maine Resent FairPoint's Lobbying Against Broadband Awards

As Karl Bode recently asked, "Should Fairpoint Really Be Giving Broadband Advice?" They have been lobbying against other stimulus projects in Maine that could allow FairPoint subscribers to actually get service that works and puts communities first.

Given FairPoint's horrendous track record in New England since taking over Verizon's run-down network, I'm glad to see a local paper taking them to task for their attempts to deny broadband to significant swaths of the state.

FairPoint is demanding that Maine law prevent the university from selling access to its network to any customer outside the governmental sector. Instead, those customers would have to take their business to FairPoint.

If FairPoint could take care of the customers it already has, and if it was keeping up with its promises to serve more of the state with high-speed Internet, it might have a stronger case.

People in Maine need to realize they will remain behind in network infrastructure so long as they depend on companies like FairPoint rather than the old New England values of self-reliance. Absent public competition, FairPoint will remain the only "option" because no private provider will find profits competing in these rural areas.

Broadband for Libraries and Schools

Following up on my previous post "Institutional Networks and Cherry Picking," I want to briefly note that the U.S. should reform how it funds Internet connections at schools and libraries.

Let me start with an assumption: we do not want to use federal taxes to support these local institutions except where most necessary. It strikes me that wherever possible, communities should take responsibility for their own community institutions.

With that in mind, the eRate program concerns me. Basically, eRate is a means for the federal government to aid local schools and libraries in affording broadband. I'm afraid that it indirectly encourages monopolistic service providers (mainly telephone incumbents) to overcharge for T-1 lines while removing any incentive for the school or library to invest in a better connection.

If a school or library is only paying 20% of the cost of a slow and overpriced line, it has considerably less motivation to seek a better connection -- especially as the only alternative to an existing connection may be building new fiber paths - as noted in "Libraries dying for bandwidth."

But another problem is simple availability. As the ALA's report (PDF) points out, "moving from a 56Kbps circuit to 1.5Mbps is one thing. Moving from 1.5Mbps to 20Mbps or to 100Mbps or even to a gigabit—depending on the size and need of the library—is another." Even when they can pay for it, many libraries are finding that higher speeds simply aren't available.

This program has been around since 1998 and has paid out $25 billion. Imagine if the program had encouraged the schools and libraries to build their own networks from the start - a truly sustainable approach rather than an approach that brought slow broadband to these anchor institutions while rewarding telephone companies significantly overcharging for slow services.

Consider Joanne Hovis of Columbia Telecommunications Company -

In Montgomery County schools connected to a community-owned fiber network are getting access to 100Mbps speeds and paying $71 per Mbps per month, whereas neighboring schools not on the network are paying $2,000 a month for T1 service at 1.54Mbps, and that price is subsidized by matching e-rate funds of an additional $2,000 a month.[quoted by App-Rising.com]

This is not to say eRate is a total failure because without it, many schools and libraries would not have been able to offer the services they do. Additionally, some smart communities have used eRate the help build publicly owned networks - as in Danville, Virginia, where the publicly owned utility successfully bid for contracts to the schools under eRate programs. But eRate should go further in encouraging these innovative and sustainable solutions rather than continuing to pay for connections that will only increase in price -- a rather unsustainable approach.

Many of these networks will be able to pay for the operating costs but they need assistance in being established. Thus, a smart program would push communities in the direction of local self-reliance rather than enabling endless, expensive dependence on companies that have little incentive to improve connectivity.

Federal programs should prioritize public ownership, if for no other reason than it pushes funding recipients to become responsible for the solution. Requiring responsibility encourages sustainable solutions, rather than defaulting to a lousy status quo.

Photo Courtesy of Christopher Chan on Flickr, used under creative commons license.

Institutional Networks and Cherry Picking

My friend, Geoff Daily at App-Rising.com, has questioned the wisdom of running fiber to all anchor institutions.

There's been a lot of buzz around the benefits and relative viability of wiring all community anchor institutions (schools, libraries, hospitals, etc.) with fiber as the way to get the best bang for the broadband buck. But recent conversations with my fiber-deploying friends have led me to worry that doing this could be a big mistake.

...

The reason is simple: if you build a network to serve community anchors, then those institutions won't be available to serve as anchor customers for a community-wide deployment. Without those community anchors as customers, the economics of deployment, especially in rural areas, becomes much harder and may actually make robust, sustainable broadband impossible in some areas.

This is a question I have wrestled with also, in trying to help communities understand the real impacts of decisions they make on whether to build their own broadband network.

My first reaction is on philosophical grounds - public institutions like schools, police departments, etc., do not exist to prop-up the business models of cable or telephone companies. Large entities like municipal and county governments should own their own network because it will save them money and expand their capabilities. When will the tea-party protesters start protesting government paying exorbitant fees to telephone companies for slow T-1 lines and the like? After all, these are our tax dollars and they should be spent wisely.

My second reaction is that I seriously doubt removing these institutional networks will impact the business model significantly. Maybe it would have last decade, but now we know that Comcast and probably many more have ">massive margins in their broadband operations. Losing the libraries and schools will do little to their bottom lines. Even if it takes a bit out of their profits, they won't go missing meals.

But really, the answer is more complicated. Many municipalities already get "free" services from their cable company as a part of the video franchise. To gain access to the right-of-way, cable companies have often given "free" (meaning paid for by the subscriber base) services via an I-Net. Though this has been helpful for communities it was never a particularly fair, efficient, or rational means of solving connectivity issues for local governments.

It wasn't fair because cable subscribers paid for the costs of local government that should be paid by all citizens. It wasn't efficient because cable companies often did not live up their responsibilities or franchises did not require modernization of networks over the many years of the agreement. And it wasn't rational because neither entity had an incentive to build the kind of network local governments need to do their jobs effectively.

But the right-of-way is a valuable asset and communities should have the freedom to negotiate access to it as they choose. Those choices are also constrained by what state and federal laws allow (I said this was complicated, right?)

So - getting back to the question of whether building fiber to these public buildings is a good idea or not, I say it absolutely is ... if it is locally owned and the local community is responsible for it.

In the unlikely event that such a network causes private companies to cease investing in the community (though continue refusing to invest in the community is likely a more accurate description), the community should take initiative to build the last-mile networks necessary for future vitality.

Either this is an essential infrastructure or it isn't. If it is, local governments must take a stronger role in ensuring everyone has access. If it isn't essential, then we can continue watching private companies deploy networks wherever they decide it is profitable.

Update: In an attempt to be more clear, I will say that I think federal policy should make it a priority to make funding available (loans where possible, mixing in grants where absolutely necessary) so that local communities can connect their anchors. Local ownership is paramount. Statewide networks are a poor approach in that it would de facto prevent communities from building their own networks.

I don't think these networks will interfere with business plans of those private companies who have already made investments - but I also don't think this should be a major concern because local government's mission is to serve the needs of the community, not those of absentee-owned cable or telephone companies. To the extent that people in the community need better networks, local government must be ready to step in -- just as they do with roads, water treatment plants, and other elements of infrastructure.

Longmont's Saga - The Failure of Referendum

As we have noted previously, Longmont, Colorado, has seen a number of private companies attempt to offer Wi-Fi broadband and then go out of business. As Colorado preempts local authority by requiring a referendum by the city before it can offer services itself, Longmont recently had a vote to authorize telecommunications services. Voters defeated the option.

As is common in these referendums, voters were blanketed with reasons to vote against it as incumbents (Qwest and Comcast) spent $200,000 opposing competition whereas the city is prevented by law from advocating for a ballot measure.

Now the Wi-Fi network will be auctioned off in pieces because it cannot pay taxes.

Ohio-based DHB Networks owes the Boulder County treasurer’s office $87,000 in unpaid business personal property tax, and the county demanded the company cease operations unless it pays those taxes.

DHB also owes the city of Longmont. Longmont-based RidgeviewTel is running the network, at least until the Wi-Fi equipment is auctioned off Thursday — at which point, 400 to 600 customers will be without Internet access, RidgeviewTel CEO Vince Jordan said.

Though the city already has fiber assets that could be used for backhaul as well as other expertise it could use in continuing to run the network, it cannot step in to run a network that would be useful to the community:

While the city can step in and operate the system, it would be only for municipal needs — such as police, fire and utility services — and not to provide Wi-Fi to customers.

“Our hands were always tied,” Roiniotis said. “We could buy the system and operate it, but only for our own purposes. We can’t provide the retail part of it.”

The city’s hands also were tied when it came to campaigning. State law bans governments from spending public money to campaign for or against local ballot questions.

Though 400-600 people may not seem like a lot of people to leave stranded, many of those on the network were the ones that needed a low cost alternative. This is one of the reason some hoped for a last minute resolution to the impending auction.

The city doesn’t plan to bid on the Wi-Fi equipment because owning the equipment doesn’t make sense if the city can’t operate an wireless service — or even partner with a private company to provide it, director of Longmont Power & Communications Tom Roiniotis said after the council meeting Tuesday night.

Several residents told the council Tuesday night that they rely on wireless Internet service as a less-expensive alternative to Qwest’s DSL or Comcast’s cable broadband.

Some may believe a required referendum to offer retail telecommunications services is a good idea or at least a relatively harmless barrier as local officials should be able to demonstrate public support for such a significant investment (and Colorado's majority-support referendum is certainly less onerous than Minnesota's 65% super majority requirement).

While it is true that local officials should be able to demonstrate strong community support, the reality is also that a referendum allows absentee opponents a great opportunity to dump a lot of money into the community to confuse and obfuscate the issue while supporters are outspent (often on the order of between 10:1 to 25:1) and City Hall is prevented by law from supporting the referendum.

For this reason, we oppose such referendum requirement -- remember that these decisions remain accountable to the public via the democratic process. Additionally, many communities already place requirements for referendum on communities when they are financing the network, providing an additional check once they have developed a plan.

UPDATE: As for Longmont, the wireless network has found a new private buyer that will be investing in WiMAX apparently.

Ultra High Speed Task Force Report Released

Keywords:

Minnesota's Ultra High Speed Broadband Task Force (created by the legislature last year and largely appointed by the Governor) is releasing its report today (the report will soon be available here). I've had a chance to skim it and found it disappointing in some ways but otherwise to be better than what I expected when I learned about the Task Force.

Being in Minnesota, I guess we should just be thankful the Governor did not attempt to make the report a secret as he recently did with other public broadband information. The Task Force was remarkably open as it went about its process - something I think we can attribute to Chairman Rick King's seriousness in running the operation and trying to move Minnesota forward.

Unfortunately, the political reality of such a task force is that many private interests have to be represented. So the irony of having a Task Force to study why the private sector has failed to invest in the broadband Minnesota needs is that those who have failed to invest get to make demands or refuse to sign off on the report. This is how Task Force's typically devolve into a colossal waste of time. My observation is that while this Task Force seemed headed in that direction, in did not get there.

While the report sets decent targets for future levels of service, it is relatively silent about how to get there. There is some talk of local governments "partnering" with the private sector to aggregate demand (meaning, collect customers for the companies) but when the local governments partner in other ways (say, to build a modern network) they get sued as did Monticello. Thus the report is rather timid in its suggestions of what kind of public-private partnerships should be pursued - we are left to believe that the best partnerships are those where the public sector does the work and the private sector collects most of the benefits.

The report is silent on the role of municipalities directly building their own networks although Chairman King is reported to have said that some on the committee had doubts about the abilities of local governments to run these in the long term. Surveying the landscape, I have to wonder about the ability of private companies to run these networks over any term! Consider the bankruptcies of Charter, FairPoint, and others or the fact that the U.S. continues falling behind other nations in broadband rankings as those countries increasingly rely on the public sector to build this essential infrastructure. Add to this the fact that private companies said the same about muni electric companies one hundred years ago and they continue providing the most reliable and affordable power in North America.

So to wrap up, we needed a Task Force to study what Minnesota broadband needs are due to our realization that the private sector was doing a poor job of supplying it. We put many of those responsible for failing into the position of deciding the best way to move forward. They have now told us that we need to give them public aid from tax cuts or by doing their marketing work for them. We should not be surprised at the recommendations from this group any more than we would be surprised at a lion biting someone who jumps into her cage. It is their nature.

The private sector does a fair job of getting broadband to most of Edina, Saint Paul, Minneapolis, and other dense areas. There is no incentive for them to invest in modern networks in rural areas. If we are going to have to pay for these networks one way or another, we should own them in order to ensure they serve community interests and not Wall Street or shareholders who only think about Minnesota when they make fun of our accents and spend the money we send them via overcharges for lousy service.

TDS Ups Ante in Monticello with Predatory Pricing

Monticello Minnesota, the small community located 40 miles northwest of the Twin Cities, recently returned to the news when its telephone incumbent, TDS, began offering a fast 50/20 Mbps residential broadband connection for $50/month.

Nate Anderson, of Ars Technica, covered both the story and backstory (something he has extensively reported).

But the entire congratulatory press release glosses over a key fact: the reason that Monticello received a fiber network was the town's decision to install a municipal-owned fiber network to every home in town… spawning a set of TDS lawsuits that went all the way to the Minnesota Supreme Court, which ruled in favor of the town.

I might also note that the press release and much of the coverage also glosses over a one-year contract and early termination fee (though it isn't clear if this is applied in all circumstances). However, Nate nails the story by framing it with the title "Want 50Mbps Internet in your town? Threaten to roll out your own."

We spoke to TDS about the situation last year, and its director of legislative and public relations told us that TDS didn't act earlier because it didn't actually know that people really, really wanted fiber; once the referendum was a success, the company moved quickly to give people what it now knew they wanted.

Of course, TDS did not start rolling fiber after the referendum. They waited. It was only after the City successfully bonded for the project that TDS acted (first by filing a lawsuit to block competition and second by investing in their network to be competitive when the doomed lawsuit would inevitably be dismissed). TDS did not change course because they suddenly realized that people wanted better broadband, they did it because they knew that they would have to invest or perish when confronted with actual competition.

Nate's article looks at other communities that have followed a similar trajectory. This story seems to have inspired another excellent post by Phillip Dampier at Stop the Cap: Municipalities: If You Threaten to Build It Yourself, Your Faster Speeds Will Come.

I take some issue with the title - hollow threats are rarely enough. While the threat of competition may be enough, in some circumstances, to temporarily boost investment from incumbents, only actual competition will ensure that investment continues and rates remain affordable.

Karl Bode picked up on the story which led to some interesting posts in the comment section ... especially toward the bottom when other TDS customers weigh in on their inability to get broadband at any speed. I have to fully agree with this commenter:

This might be one of the few instances when I feel a telecom did the wrong thing by offering FTTH. If TDS actually cared about being providing faster and better service to their customers they would be wiring cities that don't have a FTTH alternative.

After fighting, delaying and losing FTTH all in an attempt to maintain their monopoly, TDS has developed a new strategy. Undercut muni FTTH till it fails. They can subsidize FTTH in monticello with money from the rest of their network. As soon as muni fiber fails they can shut down or raise price of their own fiber network.

Maybe I'm wrong. Maybe Monticello MN population 10,000 (very rural) is such as lucrative market that TDS is a visionary by offering FTTH. That must be why verizon wires only rural cities and sells off urban and suburban ones. [sarcasm noted]

The commenter goes on to note that if people continue signing up with TDS (after overwhelmingly supporting the referendum to build the network), they will suffer from the fallout of not being able to pay off the revenue bonds and TDS will resume its poor practices if competition ceases.

fnm-prices.pngThough TDS grabbed headlines with its bold (read: predatory) 50/20 offering, Monticello Fibernet is no slouch. See prices on right - no contracts, no "introductory" prices, and all connections are symmetrical. Some have asked me how Monticello will respond to the new pricing and speeds from TDS and I do not know the answer.

I think it important to note that Monticello owns the network, but the network is operated by, and services offered by Hiawatha Broadband Communications, not the municipal government. Though HBC (a company out of SE MN with a great reputation for customer support and meeting community needs) is far more responsive that the incumbents, Monticello has different constraints upon it than most community fiber networks where the services are offered by the network owner.

TDS-fiber.pngMeanwhile, this graphic from the comments of Karl Bode's DSL reports story reveals a fundamental truth: Monticello citizens have a unique opportunity. No one outside the community has access to faster speeds or lower prices. They have the deal with same annoying practices where the user very rarely achieves the advertised speeds and price spikes following the "introductory" period. Further, many of the DSL packages require a phone package as well, making prices higher than advertised.

Charter to Cleveland, TN: You Are Not Sufficiently Profitable

Not too far away from Chattanooga, Tennessee, (home to the largest muni fiber network in the U.S.) lies Cleveland (Tennessee). Five prominent residents asked why they cannot get broadband:

The homeowners have discussed the problem with Charter Communications Director of Government Relations Nick Pavlis three times.

Pavlis said in a telephone interview it would cost the cable company $130,000 to run an underground cable 2 1/2 miles and “it’s just not a reasonable payback.”

He said the company spends $500 per house as a general rule, which gives them a 36-48 month return on investment.

Yet Charter has no problem lobbying the states to prohibit publicly owned networks. Tennessee probably has more fiber-to-the-home initiatives than any other state - perhaps it is time Cleveland looked into their own or cajoling a nearby network into expanding.

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